
Pass /^~iV 



Book. 



Jc<i 



/ 



POLITICAL, REFLECTIONS, 






' .—f f 



DELIVERED ON 



SPRINGFIELD-HILL, MASSACHUSETTS, 



March 4th, 1829, 



/JV* COMMEMORATIOJV OF THE IJVAUGtIRATIOJSr OF 



GEN, ANDRETT JACKSON 



▲8 



Jlvefiiitrent of tijc mnittXi ^t^tu. 



^\/ 



:V 



«* By SAMUEL JOHNSON, Esq, 



COUNSELLOR AT LAW. 



y^ 



SPRINGFIELD. 

PRINTED AT THE REPUBLICAN OFFICI. 

'1829." 



FOXiITZCAK REFLIiCTZONS. 



->-. 



^ Americans : 

r The limits to which I am restricted, will only per- 

^ mit an outline. To fill that outline, will be left to my 

J AUDIENCE. 

When, gentlemen, the few acquired the right of 
dictating the law to the many — 1 will not pretend to 
determine. (I have not had access to their " archives.''^) 
How their right commenced, — is easily conjectured. 
The boast of Archimides will furnish us a clue to the 
explanation of the mystery, " Give me," said the 
Sicilian geometer, " a place to plant my machinery, and 
I will heave the world from its orbit." 

The FEW, gentlemen, had discovered a superior 
" machinery," long before Archimides astonished the 
world with the results of his mechanical abilities. 

To the genius of the few, we owe the invention of 
*' Tartarus and Elysium." 

With the terrors of the first — they fettered their vic- 
tims ; and with the joys of the last — consoled them 
for the loss of liberty here, witli the promise of it, 
hereafter. 

Do you ask — what gave rise to the vast conception ? 
The answer is easy ; — a desire to enjoy the benefits of 
society, without its burthens. 



4 

Such is the oiigm of the long continued struggle be- 
tween the FEW and the many. From the focus of this 
grand conspiracy. Liberty fled, afrighted, first to 
Egypt — then to the Isles of the Archipelago — then to 
the banks of the Eurotas — next to the Tiber — then in- 
to the forests of the North. Her flight was necessary. 
Her purity could not abide the withering and contam- 
inating touch of corruption. The world felt the lash 
of retributive justice. All behind \\q\— fetters — mana- 
cles — chains. 

The dark genius of arbitrary j)ower stood erect ; 
"Black as night — fierce as ten Furies, terrible as 
Helir 

It was the spirit of despotism — personified ! — Ty- 
ranny brandished her petrifying lance over the univer- 
sal wreck of miind ! The immortal Bard who sung 
the ambition of Lucifer^ and the first human pair dis- 
robed of Faradise, when, on the wings of his all-per- 
vading imagination, he swept the dark abyss of the 
nether world — never conceived a sight, so sublimely 

TERRIFIC ! 

The FEW counted on perpetual ascendency ; but,, 
(thank God,) they calculated ^^ without their hosi.''^' 
"The art of Printing" was at length discovered. If 
the invention of " Tartarus^'' and " Elysium'^'' was the 
political lever of the few, "the art of Printing" was 
the political lever of the many. This art, gentlemen, 
will one day imhorse Tyranny, and shiver the sceptre 
of Despotism. 

No sooner was it discovered, than the human mind, 
rising and heaving under the incumbent weight of ten 
ages of misrule, began to recover something of its an- 
cient elasticity. The volumes of antiquity were again 
unrolled. Demosthenes once more tljiindered from 



Athens — and Tulhfs voice was again heard, from " the. 
eternal city." 

The \\oyV\ caught their inspiration, and the great 
men of the jfifteenth century began to inspect that stu- 
pendous edifice of ecclesiastical fraud — the Church 
of Rome. 

Europe, however, was yet too corrupt for liberty.. 
(The FEW had done tlieir work too well.) A new 
world \x'ds wanting ; and " the Sage of Cordova" had 
more than obscurely hinted its existence, and future 
discovery. 

"Tho' late — the age shall come — 
In which old Ocean shall throw down 
His wat'ry barriers — and to birth shall give 
Another — and, a mightier Earth." 

What a philosopher predicted, a seaman verified ; — 
and genius " gave a new world to the Kingdoms of 
Arragon and Castille." 

Liberty now ventured to come out of her German 
forests, and attended by her Anglo-Saxon worshippers, 
" crossed the wide and boisterous Atlantic," to erect 
on these shores — a vast edifice of civil, religious and 
political freedom. 

In laying the deep foundations of the Republic, our 
generous and noble ancestors proceeded with inimita- 
ble skill. (They built for posterity ;) their basis, reli- 
gion, virtue, and popular intelligence ; a triple founda- 
tion, ^(^\\t\emQ\\ ;—{'' other foundatio7i, can no man 
lay:') 

I am not ignorant, .that other Commonwealths have 
perished : (they were erected " ^^^jfo^i/Ae 5«?ic?.") 

But, I trust — (under the wing of the Almightv,) 
that, hereafter, as heretofore, — " When the rains shall 
descend, and the floods come, and the winds blow — 
and beat vehementlir upon the Edifice of our Liberties. 



it will be found, in very deed, — " to have been built 
upon — a ROCK." 

It is not my intention, in this place, to glance at the 
history of the British Colonies in America. I have 
not time. Besides ; before such an audience as this, 
it were superfluous. 

It is enough to remark, (in the language of the elo- 
quent Burke,) that the' man to whom w^e are indebted 
for our liberties — " scented the approaches of tyranny, 
in every tainted breezed 

The infant Hercules was educated, with more than 
maternal care. A noble race rocked his cradle. Eng- 
land surveyed his limbs — with indescribable emotions ; 
while the asserters of liberty, in Europe, thought they 
saw in him— the future ^' cleamer of their own Augean 
stable.''^ 

A nation is not always mistress of its destinies. Cir- 
cumstances — (excuse me, gentlemen ;) I mean — " The 
Being who rides in the Whirlwind'^'' not unfrequently 
confounds all the calculations of human wisdom. With 
England the conquest of the Canadas w as — a political 
suicide. It cut the only bond which held the Colonies 
to their loyalty— the dread of the French power, in 
the North. For ten years, England contemplated our 
genius — manners — character— spirit ; in one word our 
political concoction; advanced— then receded— again 
advanced— resolved upon the e'lid, but incessantly va- 
rying the means. At length, on the brink of a tempes- 
tuous gulph, 

Dark, wasteful, wild, . ._j 

Up from the bottom turn'd by furious winds 
And surging waves, like mountains to assault 
Heaven's height — and with the Centre mix'd 
The Pole, 

She propounded the natural interogatory of the few ; 
WAR, or unconditional submission ? The many an- 
swered, with infinite spirit ; " We take War." 



t 



Gentlemen ; it is not my intention to enter into t\w 
details of a conflict, in which the statesman vied with 
the .soldier, and the pen with the sword, in the asser- 
tion of the Rights of Man ; yes. Gentlemen ; " The 
Rights of Mem ;" for however odious the intrigues of 
the FEW, may once have rendered this expression, I 
trust the re-assertion of it by the many, will bring it, 
again into vogue. 

What I let fall, was only a passing tribute to the 
memory of the men who have mostly ''Jiled of,^'' to 
join the Father of his country — in a better world. — 
Few of them mingle in the congratulations of the day. 
(I see hut few of them in this audience.*) When the 
MANY forget the debt of gratitude w^e owe them, — the 
FEW, gentlemen, will have triumphed. 

There are junctures in the affairs of States, when ob- 
stinacy must reason^ and despotism unclench. 

England assented to American Independence, in 
words. I know that the treaty of '83 has been called 
— a Peace. (These diplomatic misnoiners are not un- 
common ;) it was more properly — a truce. The snake 
was " scotched, but not killed.^'' 

Under the smouldering ashes was hiAfre. Aggres- 
sion succeeded aggression, hnbecility could not mis- 
take the temper of England. In open violation of a 
solemn treaty, she retained the Western Posts ! 

Was our western frontier disturbed ? — It was the 
work of Knslfind. Was a frontier settler tomahawk- 
ed and scalped ? England cashed the Indian trophy I 
Was a St. Clair defeated ? — Englishmen mingled with 
the victors ! 

Did a Wayne inflict signal vengeance on the savages ? 
They fled, for protection, to a British fortress ! Were 



8 

American seamen impressed ? It was the work of 
England. Was a wliole nation blockaded by the mere 
dash of a minister's quill ? The infringement of the 
Law of Nations was sanctioned by England. Did 
the Little Belt fire into an American Vessel of War ? 
It was according to aiders ! Did the Leopard attack 
the Chesapeake, in our own waters? — The reparation 
was tardy, and reluctant. Did Erskine do us justice ? 
He had " violated his instructions !" 

But these, and a thousand other wrongs were noth- 
ing, if compared with her all-pervading, and all-con- 
taminating influence. 

To such an alarming degree, had this contamination 
reached the faction of the few, that whatever England 
did — was right ; whatever America did — ivrong ! 

Was an insult offered our Cabinet ? — The faction of 
the FEW " did not perceive it /" Were the injuries of 
England resented ? — " She had done us 7io essential 
injury !" Did we meditate war ? — The few recoiled : 
England " was the bulwark of American religion /" 

Did an American speak with enthusiasm of our free 
institutions ?— They were " mere white-hirch-stakes /" 
Of our inimitable Federal Constitution ? It was — 
" a rope of sand /"—Of democracy ?— it was " a 
many headed monster.^'' 

Did an American speak of the Rights of Man ? He 
incurred the ridicule of the few Did the love of Peace 

carry us to the last vcrgo of endurance 9 — -" Wc could 

not be kicked into a war." Was war declared ?— The 
administration had pre-determined to involve the coun- 
try in hostilities ! 

With such a mass of wrongs without— mid treache- 
ry within,— It became necessary to pass—" The Ru- 
bicon." 



9 

There are cases, when domestic disseiitions will' 
compel any government to unsheath the sword, in or- 
der to give the suicidal edge of a treacherous weapon, 
•A foreign direction. But, when the question. Gentle- 
men, is' between right and wrong — dignity and debase- 
ment — resistance and submission — whig and tory, — I 
trust, however tremendous the calamities of war — an 
American Congress will never hesitate. 

If for no other cause, war was necessary to give us 
(what we wanted,) — a national character ; and it was 
declared. 

Predicting at every step, the certain disgrace of the 
administration, the restless and aspiring few omitted 
nothing which might further the fulfillment of their 
prophecies. 

" Hinc spargere voces' ' 

Ambiguas. ' ' 

Yes, Gentlemen ; 



Dropping between amhiguoxis words 

To sound and taint — integrity .'" 

Not only was our cause bad — but we had degenera- 
ted, and democracy had despoiled us of seven-tenths 
of the virtues of our Fathers ! Indeed we were but 
the shadoios of the men of other times! A race of 
wretches, incapable of " measurhig swords — with the 

WELL-BORN !" 

The most preposterous principles were advanced ; 
such for instance— as, that an American citizen might 
cancel his allegiance to his Country — in the forum of 
his conscience ! — and that the States possess the right 
of deciding whether the constitutional exigences exist, 
which authorize the National government — to wield 
the National force ! ! ! 

A doctrine, which on the face of it bears the impress 

of treason, and goes to the radical destruction of the 

9. 



TO 

Federal Constitution, — whether broached at tliis end, 
or that end of the Republic. What, therefore, I have 
said, on a former occasion, I repeat ; " God help ns, 
if this proposition is to pass for constitutional law /" 
In that event, Gentlemen, you need not go to the 
APOCALYPSE, for the pictm-e of " Death on the pale 
horse — and Hell following!" No; (God avert the 
omen!) few, will then see the original ! ! ! 

fifldy Let us not on, where error may be fatal. Let our 

attachment to the Constitution, be, (in the words of 
Washington) — " Immovable." 

S'*' Would we be safe, we must guard the central pow- 

er, with sleepless vigilance. In its relation to the 
States, it may justly be compared with the fabled " God 
of the winds ;" 

— " Celsa sedet JEolus arce, 

Sceptra tenens : raollit animos, et femperat iras. 
, JVi facial — maria ac terras coelumque profundum 

11^''^ Quippe ferant rapidi secum — verantque per auras :"• 

' But in spite of the predictions of tlife aristocracy, the 

war undertaken by our Country, for the vindication of 

- y^ its rights — was honorably and successfully waged^ 

When, I ask,^did the few discover symptoms of our 

"^declension ? By land ? Let the Browns, the Scotts, 

the Gains's, and the Ripleys answer. On the Lakes ? 

yiu-uty Let the Perrys and the McDonoughs speak.— Was it 
on the Ocean? Let the Hulls and Decaturs and 
Bainbridge's — and the thousand sail of British vessels 
destroyed, or brought into our ports — reply. 

But. the day, and the occasion, Gentlemen, remind 
US of oth^r names inscribed on the tablets of our 
Country's glory. 

England, undiscouraged by successive disasters, with 
her characteristic steadiness, had resolved to retrieve 
her honor — by a last and determined effort. Her Cab- 



11 

met had inspected our map ; and tlie eye of a states-* 
man could not but perceive — that all the Rivers which 
mingle their waters with the Mississippi, either pre- 
cipitate themselves from the Eastern declivities of the 
Rocky Mountains, or from the Western declivities of 
the Alleganies. It can hardly be denominated a flight 
of fancy, if I assert that the power which can com- 
mand the mouth of that River, is literally mistress 
of— a world. 

Is there on the surface of this globe, a position equally 
commanding, whether our aim be aggression or dis- 
memberment ? If there be, it has escaped my notice. 

I do not exaggerate. Gentlemen, when I affirm- 
that it enables an enemy to command half the resour- 
ces, and two thirds of the territory of this Empire ! 
The advantages to be derived from its possession could 
not escape the penetration of a less sagacious Cabinet, 
than that of London. 

England saw them intuitively, and prepared lot 
■seize the " "'vantage ground^ The very idea filled 
her political imagination. To divide the Republic, by 
the chain of the Alleganies, was indeed, — an Hercule- 
an thought ! 

Gentlemen ; you have heard the muttering of the 
distant thunder, and seen the lightnings playing, in the 
horizon — (the unequivocal signals of the coming storm.) 
An army that had carried the victorious standard of 
England, from Gibraltar to the Pyrenees, (perhaps the 
best appointed she had ever sent into the field,) was 
destined to the honor of shaking this Republic, — to its 
deepest foundations. The vigilant Monroe had ob- 
tained early intelligence of its equipment and designs. 

It was the Crisis of the late eventful contest.—^ 
The juncture was full of danger. Nor was it exclu- 



sively foreign. A domestic faction had profusely scat- 
tered the seeds of disunion, and by its machiaveliah 
intrigues, deprived the Country of the natural and in- 
stinctive courage of its Eastern section, while the 
same faction, (will posterity believe it ?) more than 
whispered the treasonable project — of a New-England 
confederacy, independent of the Union ! Nor was 
■the immediate seat of danger, less critically circum- 
stanced. A icw regiments of the line — our whole 
force in the Southern Department ! There was in- 
deed a very gallant, but undisciplined militia in the 
West; but it was to be' floated a thousand miles on the 
waters of the Mississippi. Nor did difficulty end 
here. The population of New Orleans was divided. 

It had recently been admitted to the participation ol 
our privileges ; but possessed little devotion — and less 
national character ; while irresolution and dismay had 
already seized the legislature of Louisiana, — which, 
(" tell it not in Gath, nor i)ublish it in the streets of 
Askalon .'") was meditating on the- terms of submis- 
sion ! The country was indeed, alarmed ; but, do not 
mistake me, Gentlemen ; it was not the alarm of a 
populace^ which ends in supplication, but a profound 
anxiety for our beloved Country, which always ends — 
m courage. For a moment, indeed, the bravest spirits 
hesitated. All, Gentlemen, but the intrepid soul of 
Andrew Jackson. 

Gt)ol and collected, in the midst of general conster- 
nation, he alone, interrogated his own undaunted 
spirit — and found it more than equal to the emergency. 
One Leonidas is more than enough to give a bra^ er 
enemy than the Persians — a Themopijlce ; and stamp- 
ing on the soil of liberty, the once Orphan Boy called 
so loud — TO ARMS ! — that all the regions beyond the 
AUeganies recognized the well-known voice ; 



13 

A voice, the pledge of victory and safety. 
Heard often by his countrymen ; with which, 
The West — was most familiar. 

The brave, by the instinct of patriotism, (a much 
surer guide to duty, than fedej^allogic,) were instantly 
in motion. The expedition had sailed from England, 
and was now traversing t!ie Atlantic; and the steady 
gales were bringing it rajjidly towards the American 
coast. Dangers thickened, as the enemy approach- 
ed ; treason within, and a hostile army — at our gates ! 
To prevent a treacherous intercourse between the dis- 
affected, and the enemy, it became necessary to place 
the City of New Orleans, under " 7nartial law''' — a 
measure of fearful responsibility ; and Andrew Jack- 
son, with that unlimited devotion to Country, which 
has signalised his whole career, did not hesitate to as- 
sume it. For this, he has been arraigned by the few, 
at the bar of the many ; and it has been gravely said 
by the godfathers of the Hartford Convention, and 
the Washington Benevolent Society, (those standing 
memorials of the patriotism of the aristocracy,) — that 
the measure was — unconstitutional, " and that sort 
o' thing P' 

But these gentlemen seem to forget, or not to have 
known — that the fundamental laiv of a State always 
involves a tacit, but necessary principle, which is this, 
that such a constructiofi of it is never to be taken, as 
would frustrate the end for which it is established — 
the safety of the State. To argue, that the letter of 
the Constitution is to prevail, though the State be lost, 
would seem the quintessence of nonsense! Gentle- 
men, I will not insult the understanding of my audi- 
ence, by stooping to debate so ridiculous a])roposition ! 
The men who can seriously maintain it, must be fit 



14 

candidates for " depletion— a water-gruel diet — and a 
straight jacket !" 

Besides, Gentlemen, I do not relish — " mustard 
after dinner.^^ This political indictment, preferred by 
the FEW, has been tried by the many, and a verdict re- 
turn(;.d for the defendant — and judgment is entered up- 
on the verdict. 

I will leave this question, then, for another of higher 
pith, and intenser interest — whether the Cabinet of 
London, or our country was to give law on the other 
side of the klleganies ? This great question was now 
hastening to a decision — on wings. The English ex- 
pedition was now on our coast. The unprincipled 
were calculating cJumces ; the wavering waiting till 
fortune had declared ; while the faction of the few, 
(as usual,) were indulging in jjrophecies — ^i^redicting the 
conquest of Louisiana — the disgrace of their country, 
the triumph of England, and — the fall of the adminis- 
tration ! " Better to reign in Hell, than serve in Hea- 
ven /" — still the political axiom of the few. 

The gallant Mississippians and Kentuckians and 
Tennesseeans, guided by a noble instinct, (the love of 
country, and glory,) were floating on the current of 
the Mississippi. 

Writers, on the subject of the emotions of the hu- 
man mind, — have spoken of the sublime of danger, 
when the blood rushes impetuously from the heart to 
the brain — paces back — then rallies again to the brain, 
in quick succession. 

Those will seize the idea, who have been awaked, 
in a great city, by the cry of " fire !" — But the soldier 
will best realise it, who has heard the midnight cry of 
" Turn out ! turn out ! an alarm ! an alarm ! The 
pickets are driven in ! The enemy advances I — The at- 



f5 

tack's BEGUN ! The troops who had torn the laurels 
from the brows of the French marshals— were on the 
eve of landing. Will posterity credit it ?— that only 
fifteen hundred men, at this time, constituted our van- 
guard ? Our van-guard, did I say, Gentlemen ; it wds 
our whole army ! 

The time was amply perilous ; nor shall I be con- 
tradicted /iere, if I say, that Andrew Jackson was, 
l)erhaps, the only man in this Nation capable of facing 
it— with such a seemingly msignilicant force ! 

Americans ; 

" There is a tide in the affairs of men, 
That, taken at iho flood — loads on to glory ; 
Neglected, all the voyage of their lives 
Is bound, in shallows, and in miseries." 

In this very trying emergency, Andrew Jackson 
found just such a field, as suited the intrinsic greatness 
of his soul. He rises up, and reviews the little 
hand ; and through their ranks — " darts his exi^erienc- 
edeye^ The Northern levies were now near, but 
had not arrived. Every measure which limited means, 
but consummate ability could devise to save the city — 
had been taken. The public anxiety was intense. — 
Thanks to the Almighty ! The honor of our country 
was in sale hands. 

' " The storm of missive steel 

-^Delug'd awhile, by wise command, fledg'd 
Arrows on the nerves — and scimetaf and sabre 

/Bore the sheath — reluctant.'''' 
At length," the curtain is drawn — and the tragedy 
opens," by landing a detachment of 3,0(X0 of the enemy, 
nine miles below the city. If the warlike Henry in 
his eagerness to meet the French, in hostile play, com- 
plained, 

" Of the tardy-gated night, t 



l/Cttci^^pO l] 



That like a foul and ugly witch — did limp 
So tedioualy away," 



•JS^<^« 



^^ f \»>i r^j 



16 

Andrew Jackson was not less im])atieiit to try the 
mettle of a new enemy. Intelligence of the landing of 
the British van-guard, reached the city by express, at 
noon. Not an instant was to be lost. Every moment 
teemed with danger. What was to be done ? Time 
must be gained to wait the arrival of the militia levies, 
to organize them— and to strengthen the defences of 
the city. (It was the sine-qua-non of its safety.) 

But, how effect it ? There was but one way* The 
enemy must be deceived, with respect to our prepara- 
tion—our equipment — and, our numbers. But, could 
a vigilant enemy be mislead ? Yes. And hoiv ? By 
such a daring attack upon his advanced guard, as An- 
drew Jackson, and the little band were alone capable 
of executing : — in a word, by a i)rofound impresssion 
of what the spirit of America is capable — m arms, to 
awe the enemy, to teach him circumspection — and by 
the apparent confidence of a prompt assault, — to create 
in him, a belief in matured preparation — and thus to re- 
tard all his future movements. 

Here, Gentlemen, lay the only clue to final victory ; 
and the genius of Jackson seized it — with intuitive 
quickness. The enemy had landed his first detach- 
ment — without artillery ! 

" Quern deus pe7dtittLvult — prius demental."^ 

Celerity is a distinguished trait in the character of* a v 
great captain. 

" Vertitur interea ccelum, et ruit occano noJC^ 
Involvens secum umbra magna, terranq : polumque, 
Marm|d^numque dolos." 

Early in the evening, the intrepid Patterson was or- 
dered to drop down the current of the Mississippi, in 
the CarolinahAwA cast anchor apposite the enemy's en- 
campment, and at seven o'clock, to sweep his position, 
with his artillery .: while Jackson, supj)orted by the 



17 

fearless Coffee, at the head of 1500 men, (just half 
the number of the enemy,) advanced to give him battle. 

The commodore took his station as ordered— pro- 
ceeded leisurely to furl his sails, and prepared for the 
warm business of the night. 

There was something mysterious in the appearance 
of this suspicious vessel, which soon drew the enemy's 
attention. At first they supposed her one of the Brit- 
ish squadron which had passed Fort St. PhillijJ. They 
next hailed her ; but receiving no answer, fired succes- 
sive vollies of musquetry into her, to induce her to 
speak. The appearance of this mysterious something, 
will recall to your recollection a passage of the Brit- 
ish bard ; 

" Who, and what art thou — execrable shape ! 
That dar'st, though grim and terrible, advance 
Thy miscreated front athwart my way ?" 

At three quarters past six., " the dumb spake^'' ! ! ! (It 
was the first answer the British obtained from that 
suspicious sail.) 

" Give 'em this — for the honor of America !" At 
seven., the little band found itself on the skirt of the 
enemy's position. Jackson led the attack on their 
centre. 

Once more, we're in the tented field^— — 
To men, such as I lead — a word suffices ; 
" You are Americans ; no further speech 
Is requisite, save, There's your Enemy." 

The charge was such as might have been expected — 
impetuous ; victory had already declared for our coun- 
try, and the total destruction of the enemy was only 
prevented by a dense and sudden fog from the river, 
which distracted our movements. 

The little band slept on the field ! — The salutary 

terror of that night, impressed by Andrew Jackson 

on the leading detachment of the enemy, saved the city. 

3 



18 

The object which genius and valor had conceived, 
was gained. From the chivalrous spirit of that attack, 
the enemy inferred that our numbers and discipline 
were vastly superior to what they had supposed. 

In this view of a great subject, you, Gentlemen, w ill 
agree with me — that 1 cannot be mistaken. So deep 
was the impression made by the first interview, that 
the greatest caution and circumspection, (I had almost 
said timidity,) distinguished all the subsequent move- 
ments of the invader. 

Americans,' the results of that night were incalcu- 
lable ; every thing wanted — was attained, and " a bond 
taken of fate." The memorable 8th of January, 
1815 — (a day that covered our country with imperish^ 
able honor,) was a necessary consequence. England 
reeled under the blows of the " orphan-boy. '''' 

Gentlemen, there a:re junctures in the affairs of 
States — when inflexibility must bend. The memora^ 
ble d>th dissolved the proudest dream, with which Eng- 
land had ever fed her luxuriant fancy— that of dissecting 
the American Republic, by the Alleganies ! But 
the victory of New-Orleans did not bear exclusively 
on om foreign relations. It was a signal triumph of 
the MANY over the intrigues of the few — of the de- 
mocracy over the aristocracy of the country— iiof virtue 
over vice — of loyalty over political seduction. 

The veiy rumor of it demolished the "Peace Soci- 
ety," (more appropriately called — a society for the pro- 
motion of SUBMISSION ;) while the bare mention of it 
sent the floating " ribands'^'' of " the Washington Be- 
nevolent Society" to the winds. Confounded' by the 
triumph of the many, the few consented to a truce. 
The copper-head uncoiled. Jackson had drawn his 
fangs, but had not extracted his poison ; and the reptile 



19 

crept to his den— to renew his teeth — to re-appear, 
with the vernal sun,— and to bite. 

The men who think the controversy between the few 
and the many at afi end, may very well have honest 
hearts. The heart is not the seat of their errors ; the 
seat of their mistake is in the attic loft. 

There is a radical difference between these orders 
of men. Let us not deceive ourselves. The aristoc- 
racy will never cordially approve our free institutions, 
unless they possess all their honors and emoluments. 
This is the sine-qua-non of their adhesion. 

Their notion of right, is a right to govern ; and this 
claim is no more than a legitimate corrollary, from their 
doctrine of ^^ exclusive qualifications P'' There are 
some rights, however, which they are willing to con- 
cede to the MANY ; such for instance, as the right of 
bleeding for their country — that of dying on the field 
of battle — and that of ^e/6'??^mg" their princely palaces 
and estates ! 

To the FEW, nothing is so alarming as personal mer- 
it. Their virtues are all in fee-tail, and descend as 
heir-looms, with their inheritance !^Here we may 
seize the clue to their measures, in the late Presidential 
canvass. They dreaded a dangerous precedent ! and 
what could be more dangerous, than that an orphan 
boy, without protection — without patronage — and with- 
out the aid of the great, should by dint of personal 
merit, rise to the highest pitch of political eminence ? 

The most conspicuous trait in the contour of the 
aristocracy, is their affected contempt of the American 
People. That the people are incapable of self-govern- 
ment, however plausibly the few may disguise it, is, 
nevertheless — their leading doctrine. Is there a man 



/ ^/^/^ ^ 



20 



^ 



in this assembly who doubts it? Doubt it, Gentle- 
men, fhe may as well Aoixhiom existence. 

Biit, as some may ask for a demonstration of a self- 
evidetit proposition, I will pursue the topic, a moment. 
I put the question then — how are we to resolve the 
86 baUotings of the House of Representatives, in the 
case of Jefferson and Burr — into any thing else, than 
plenary proof of the truth of my position ? 

Did the Representatives of the People mistake the 
public sentiment, and suppose the People intended 
to introduce Col. Burr into the presidency^ and Thomas 
Jefferson into the vice-presidency ? — No man ever had 
enough of effrontery, to pretend it ! Why the thirty-six 
ballotings then ? Gentlemen, there can- be but 07ie 
answer, — a party had been early organized under the 
auspices of Xhejirst Prince of the house of Braintree, 
the leading article of whose " creed^^ was — " that the 
people were their own worst eriemies /" On no other 
hypothesis can human ingenuity explain the reason of 
the " thirty -six ballotings V 

Have the few abandoned the doctrine ? Nothing 
like it. The fact to which I call your attention, is not 
a piece of antiquity; it happened but four years ago. 
You all remember it. By the mibought and unsolicit- 
ed suffrages of the People, the name of AiNdrew 
J ACKSO^J was returned to the House of Representa- 
tives, with a plurality of the Electoral Votes. Will 
the FEW assert, that here was no index of the will of 
the American People ? Why then, was tlie will of the 
People disregarded ? The influence is irresistible. 
According to the few, (I draw my conclusions from 
their actions) the many have no \^'ill, or, if any, sub- 
ject to an insulting revision— in the Bureau of the 
Aristocracy ! 



21 

Geutleiiien, it is time that this contempt of the will 
of the American People should cease — or be openly 
avowed. If our Representatives hold this anti-repub- 
lican doctrine in action^ let them hold it also, in ivords, 
directly — fearlessly — explicitly. The man who disre- 
gards the known will of his constituents is not their 
Representative. To say it is a solecism in language — 
a contradiction in terms ! 

He is their mis-representative. What are we then 
to say of a House, (I will not say of Representatives,) 
which, in open defiance of the People, actually, from 
two candidates returned to it, selected the one who 
brought the least evidence that he was the choice of 
the American People ! ! ! 

Will the faction of the few tell us, that the Consti- 
tution left the selection to the House of Representa- 
tives ? Such an answer were a subterfuge. Every 
Constitution has its letter, and its spirit ; nor is it less 
criminal to violate the one — than the other. 

Do you ask me, my inference from these Premises f 
It is this — that the election of the now Ex-President 
was unconstitutional, and his acceptance of the Presi- 
dency a virtual usurpation. 

If Mr. Adams could not resist this conclusion, and 
was driven to a sort of apology, is it a matter of sur- 
prise, that the impression on the minds of the People 
was deep — " that somethihg was rotten in Denmark V 

I say nothing of a " great bargain," in which cer- 
tain ^' great personages^'' were said to have been con- 
cerned — nor of a supposed " treatif for the maintain- 
ance of " the line of safe precedents.'''' 

It is from an abhorence of the principle on which 
Mr. Adams came into place, that I mingle my congrat- 
ulations. Gentlemen, with yours, on this anniversarv 



22 

of the incmgumtion of Andrew Jackson. I regard 
it as the commemoration of the triumph of princi- 
ples—as sacred as liberty, and— as eternal as justice. 

I know well, that the faction of the few have fre- 
quently reproached one of the purest spirits that this 
or any other country ever produced, for having said 
" that he could not support such an Administration, 
although its measures were," (in effect,) injiiiitehj above 
exception. The language of Col. Johnson might very 
well have been too strong; but the sentiment was 
American throughout. The few may affect to stare 
at the declaration ! 

They do but qff'ect. Why, Gentlemen, there is not 
a principled republican in the Union, who does not 
hold the same doctrine. Because an tisurper of our lib- 
erty is a mild master, are ive therefore, to approve his 
administration, and thereby strengthen his usurpation ? 

" I'd sooner be a dog, and bay the moon. 
Than such a Roman." 

Americans are not to hold their rights, by a tenure 
like this. We must have other guaranties — than the 
mild temper of " a pious prince.'''' Fellow Citizens, 
the anniversary we celebrate, opens a wide field for 
reflection. Neither a Chatham nor a Burke could do 
the occasion justice. It is not from any idle convic- 
tion of any ability of my own, that I have ventured to 
address you. I feel my incapacity, too sensibly. My 
sickle is not fit for such a field as this. If I have tax- 
ed your good nature, too severely, you will do me the 
justice to ascribe it, in part — to the indiscreet partiality 
of my friends. 

Thus far. Gentlemen, I have sketched a conscise 
view of the rise and progress of the great struggle be- 
tween the restless and aspiring few — and the many ; 



23 

with what JUM^^V^ ' ^^^^^ '^ ^^'^^'* "^-^' audience to de- 
termine. 

The democracy of the country has, a second time, 
repressed the rising hopes of the aristocracy. But, let 
us not deceive ourselves. (" A Turk gives one scratch 
with his sabre — after he is dead /" 

Vigilance only can secure what virtue has achieved. 
I remember a very good maxim ; (you will find it in 
Count Suvaroff^" discourse under the trigger ,•")— 
" Union is strength and a half." In a contest for prin- 
eiples^o " amalgaynation,'''' Gentlemen. 

If tlie faction of the few will return to the doctrines 
^f the American Revolution, — we will receive them ; 
and here permit me to remark, that it would have giv- 
en me a heart-felt pleasure, on this occasion, to have 
met with a greater number of our late political breth- 
ren, with whom, o\\ former occasions, we have been 
in the habit of mingling sentiments, — and thus swel- 
ling the common current of mutual congratulation. 
And I flatter myself, I express no more than the feel- 
ings of my audieiice, when I affirm — that they would 
have been welcomed with a cordiality which would 
have convinced them — that, though " estranged for a 
7noment,^^ we were still held together, by the indisolu- 
able bond of a common detestation of — despotic prin- 
ciples. 

Gentlemen, I proceed. At a late commemoration 
cf the " victory of New-Orleans," in a neighbouring 
village, — (it was, if I rightly remember — " at the meet- 
ing of the glorious 43 ;") I had the honor to predict — 
" that the Check drawn by Andrew Jackson, upon 
the American People, on the ever memorable 8th of 
January, 1815 — would be duly honored.''^ In ventur- 
ing that prediction, I counted on the imposing merits 
of our candidate, and upon the general intelligence 



24 

and spirit of our country, and here, suffer me to con- 
gratulate you, on the unexampled energy with which 
the People have fulfilled my Prediction. 

I need not apprize such an audience as this — that 
the struggle mvolved in it a transcendent interest ; it 
was nothing less, than — whether the cabinet, or the 
Peoi)le who made the cabinet, were to give us a 
President ? 

Americans^ in the elevation of Andrew Jackson 
(once an " orphan boij,^'') to the highest office^ in your 
gift, you have sanctioned a noble principle ; and it 
is this, — that in this Republic, there is no man, who to 
great virtues, unites splendid abilities, who may not 
attain the highest honors, by your unpurchased suffra- 
ges : — a prerogative, Gentlemen, truly American, and 
for the participation of which, there are thousands of 
brave spirits in Europe — who would " pour out their 
blood — like water." But our conquest has cost us 
toil. (What boon can we gain, without it ?) The ar- 
ray of the Few against the candidate of the Many, was 
^s formidable as it was unprmcipled. 

Distrusting their strength, in this war between the 
Cabinet and the People, the few availed themselves of 
stratagem— cxndi sprung their mines ! Masters of near- 
ly all the presses in this section of the country, the 
friends of liberty could find no avenue to the public 
mind ; the few had sealed \t— hermetically. 

The Opposition — (so i call the partisans of the late 
administration ;) for who, but an arrogant aristocracy 
could have ever rallied enough of impudence, to call 
the majority of the People by that name r The Op- 
position, (I say it emphatically,) adopted a very extra- 
ordinary policy to expel the People's Candidate from 
the lodgement he had made in the confidence of his 
Country ! It was Iherally a war of ambush. We 



25 

felt the hatchet, but the htmd was for the most part 
unseeji. 

The iTrst blow of the few, (the Lord help our chiv- 
alnj !) was aimed at a Woman ! ! ! I read your indig- 
nation in your eyes ! But, pardon me, it was not my 
intention 

To stir the latent embers of your rag6 ; 

(" The men who have done this — are honorable .'") 

Why, Gentlemen, you must at least knew this, 
(since they themselves have frequently proclaimed it,) 
that they — "/or /?/e"— for " term of years''' or, " in 
fee-tail,''^ do hold, by Federal tenure, all the " virtue,''^ 
" wealth''^—'' talents''^— m\di '' respectahilitif^ and " dig- 
nity,'''' of this our nation, and, (to cap the climax,) 
all the " religion" too ! 

" Bear loith me," Gentlemen ; 

stern even-handed justice must not wrong 
An enemy. Besides, it may be argued, 
With some small shew of probability ; 
That their bewildered fancies did mistake 
The People's Candidate — (taking the Lady 
For the lady's husband .') 

But I have neither leisure nor inclination, to pass in 
review the long catalogue of Federal reasons, why 
the man who defended, should not be called to preside 
over the free institutions of his Country ? "It would 
tire the loquacity of a FahiusJ''' I owe it however, to 
common politeness, to notice some of them. 

First, then, Andrew Jackson does not possess the 
requisite qualifications — has never been abroad ; (ex- 
cept in pursuit of the enemies of his country) nor has 
he ever " danced attendance,''^ in the anti-chambers of 
Princes ; nor is he profoundly versed in — " Ho tamias, 
ton tamiou ;" nor in — " Hie, hac, hoc!'''' 

(" Themistocles knew how to defend a city, but did 
not know how to fiddle.^^) Second, Andrew Jack- 

4 



26 

SON possesses a deep tincture of " cruelty,'''' and has 
treated those mild and benevolent, and humane tenants 
of our forests, (the Indians) very impolitelyf and in 
that particular, has violated all the rules of good breed- 
ing ! It is ADMITTED, that the " tomahawk and scalp- 
ing-knife^^ gentry are under no very great obligations 
to the General. 

Third. Andrew Jackson executed Ambrister and 
Arbuthnot : — and. Gentlemen, the candidate of the 
FEW — the acquiescence of the British Cabinet — and 
the law of nations, conclusively justified their execu- 
tion. If the enemies of Andrew Jackson, " hear 
not MOSEs" — (Moses Q. Adams,) " neither would they 
be persuaded though one rose from the dead!^^ 

Fourth. Andrew Jackson threatened to drag an 
American Senator from his seat — in the very " Temple 
of Liberty," and to chastise him for words used — in 
debate ! 

I remember Gentlemen of hearing of a ^' tin 2)edlar^^ 
who sold a very curious and inquisitive " old lady,'''' a 
book, purporting to be " a dead tnan^s speech.''^ (It 
was a blank-book.) On discovering it, the " good lady'''' 
complained " that there was nothing in it !" True, 
rejoined the " tin vender,'''' he said nothing." 

Fifth. Andreav Jackson executed the '''■ six mi- 
litia mew." The burthen of this very serious charge, 
(if I rightly comprehend it,) is this ; — that such an act 
of rigor goes to the radical subversion of all military 

destructive of the virtue 



di sciplin e, and is completely 
of desertion. 



"Sixth. Andrew Jackson treated a Federal saint, 
{St. Dominic,'''') with irreligious rudeness, in his own 
church! T\\q GQneXciVs intention was upright; his 
view was to prevent the introduction of an English 
Episcopalian into the Diocese. 



21 

7th. Andrew Jackson is " a military chieftain'''^ 

dangerous to reward " 7nilitary chieftains /" A very 
sagacious charge ! The business of a soldier, in a 
Republic^ according to the " well-horn,'^'' is only — to 
bleed. To meet an enemy gallantly, creates " ipso 
facto^''^ a disqualification for the honors and emoluments 
of the Civil Department! Those who are willing to 
bleed, on these terms — " let 'em.'* 

Eighth. I fear, Gentlemen, I may trespass on your 
patience ; but I must throw myself on your indulgence, 
and proceed to the eighth specification. Andrew Jack- 
son has demolished that " stupendous monwnent'''^ of 
the concentrated wisdom of the few — the W. B. So- 
ciety ! It is no more XhdLU justice to admit that " the 
8th of January" was a serious day to the " concern,''^ 
and that it wholly annihilated the " riband trade.''^ 

•' But yesterday, the name of " peter Washington,"* 
The " saint" of that society, had stood 
Against — the worlij. Now lies he low. 
And none so poor to do him reverence ! 
Oh Masters !" 



*NoTE. It is hardly necessary to inform the readers of history, that 
«very nation has something inexplicably mysterious in its annals. The 
French have their " Homme au masque de Fer," (" the man with the 
Iro7i Mask,") — the English their " Perkin Warheck," and the Ameri- 
cans, their "peter Washington!" In America, "peter" was little less 
adroit than " Perkin Warheck" in England. Both attempted to 
personify illustrious personages. Such was the tact of "peter wash- 
iyigton" that, however incredible it may appear, he succeeded, for a 
considerable time, in jaaZmino^ himself upon a very "discerning" por- 
tion of the American People, as no less a personage than the celebrated 
George Washington — the immortal Father of his country ! 
He provided himself with a whole Edition of George Washington's 
" Farewell Address," and so inimitably did he manage, as to convince, 
even his " shreivdest" partisans, that if he was not the identical 
George Washington, he was not (to say the least of it,) his inferior ! 
So perfectly was "peter" the master of the " i?o6e'4 he had resolved 
" to play," that, although he actually instituted an " order of nobility" 



' (h^^'dt^ 



i^ 



;e8 

Ninth. Andrew Jackson blew the Hartford Con- 
vention "'sky highP Of this " Hartford Convention," 
Gentlemen, I shall say nothing. I do not wish to be 
the herald of my country's dishonor. 

and distributed his " ribands," his retainers never for a moment enter- 
tained a doubt of his " republicanism !" 

But his adventures were not more mysterious than his exit ! He had 
just dispatched his plenipotentiaries, to reside " near the Government of 
the United States," when intelligence was received at his " Court,'' 
that Andrew Jackson had vanquished his "allies," in the memora- 
ble battle of the 8th of January. The news is said to have been imme- 
diately /afaZ ; and his " demise" is still involved in the deepest obscu- 
rity ; Jand which no historical industry has hitherto been able to dispel. 
The most probable account of his exit is as follows. Upon the exam- 
ination of his body, his retainers discovered him to be " defunct ;" and, 
as he was " a rare character," and the world was not likely " to see 
his like again," it seemed " the better opinion," that his body should 

be " kept in state." 

On the evening of his decease, by some unaccountable fatality, 

(whether it was owing to a deficiency in loyalty, or to some other less 
censurable cause, historians have not been able to determine,) the body 
was left for the night, (but under " lock and key,") in an apartment of 
his Palace. On repairing thither, at an early hour in the morning, the 
door of the apartment was found " locked," as it had been left ; but op 
opening and entering, the body was " missing !" Conjectures, as^ 
may readily be supposed, were busy in accounting for the absence of the 
" corpse," but nothing satisfactory was discovered untilj^ a " courtier" 
(putting his thumb and fore-finger to his nose) took occasion to remark, 
that bethought he smelt '' sulphur !" Upon which, a very general 
" smelling" and " snuffing" ensued ; when it became extremely proba- 
ble, (by the corroborating evidence of noses,) that there had been "foul 

play .'" 

On a subject of such extreme " delicacy," as the exit of the " tutela- 
ry saint" of " theW. B. S." opinions are not to be sported lightly. It 
is however, pretty generally believed, upon the strength of historical 
conjecture, resting on the well authenticated fact of the remains of 

•' sulphur" in " peter's" apartment — that the D 1 availing himself 

of the absence of "j?e^er's" disciples, " feloniously took and carried 
away" the body of the "defunct!" This much, however, is certain, 
that he could not have been carried " through the side of the house," 
as the ceiling was observed to be entire. Hence the belief has become 

nearly universal, that the D 1 in bearing away tiie "body," must 

i.ave carried it " up chimney" 



29 

But there is another charge, in the dark catalogue of 
the political " inisdemeanors''' oi Andreiv Jackson .,\v\v\q\\ 
involves in it the accumulated turpitude of all tlie rest. 
The aristocracy had confidently predicted the inevitable 
disgrace of America, in her war with England. 

The man who foretells mischief, very naturally 
wishes for its arrival ; and the reason is obvious. The 
reputation of his prophetical infallihility is at stake. 

Now it is nearly superfluous to remind the audience 
I address — that Andrew Jackson, taking counsel only 
(under God,) of his own great and intrepid soul, and 
poising himself on the pivot of his natural energy, on 
the ever-memorable 8th of January, 1815 — confounded 
forever, both the ^''prediction,'''' and the ^^ pro2)hets P^ 

" If the offence be rank, and smell to Heaven, 
And hath the primal, eldest curse of Heaven 
Upon it," 

The more scope, Gentlemen, for the exercise of the 
generous virtue of forgiveness. Do the enemies of 
" the defender of his Country''^ ask for precedents of 
the exercise of this virtue, in similar cases ? History 
is full of them. We are told, that the Lacedemonians 
did not scruple to pardon Leonidas the " misdemeanor'''' 
of dying for his country at the straits of Thermopylee. 

Nor did the Athenians, (the inventors of the 05/rrt- 
mw, and proverbial for their jealousy of their great 
men,) hesitate to forgive Miltiades the offence of lead- 
ing the 10,000 to victory and glory ; and the Romans 
(those haughty masters of the world,) were still more 
indulgent ; and so far were they from punishing their 
Generals for beating the enemy — that, in the case of 
the unfortunatejCo/o, they came near thanking him 
for getting beat , and onXy* because he did hot despair 
of the Commonwealth ! N^ are these instances of 
national moderation limited to the Greeks and Romans. 



-h y^ 



^€^9 



30 

Similar instances of indulgence may be gleaned from 
modern history. 

Why Gsentlemen, I have never heard, that in the 
very cradle of arbitrary principles in the domains of 
the Merovingians, the Carlovingians, and Ca^petians, 
forgiveness was not extended to Charles Martel, who 
overthrew the ancient Saracens, as signally as Andrew 
Jackson did the modern. But why refer the few to 
foreign precedents ? We have them at home. Did 
the American People punish Washington, for the 
" misdemeanor" of having made the person and army 
of the subsequent '"'' conqueror of India,''"' his prisoners, 
by the penalty of a perpetual disqualification to serve 
his country in the Cabinet ? 

I lay peculiar stress upon the last precedent — since 
the offence was of a very flagrant description — being 
committed against the person and dignity of a lord ! 

That General Jackson may have erred, (like the 
great men I have mentioned,) is not to be disputed, — 
Be it so ; it only opens a more glorious field, in which 
the FEW may display the virtue to which I have ad- 
verted. 

Fellow Citizens ; a word more and 1 will con- 
clude. If, (I borrow the language of Edmund Burke,) 
" on the slightest affront" to a proffligate " Marie An- 
toniette — a thousand swords would have leaped in- 
stinctively from their scabbards," can Americans pos- 
sess so little of honor, of virtue and of chivalry, as to 
forget, amidst the festivities of the day, to drop one 
tributary tear to the memory of a ivoman, on whose 
character a higher eulogium cannot bfe passed — than, 
that for ^^ forty years''"' she possessed the entire affec- 
tion and confidence of Andrew Jackson. 



♦ 



%-^*« . "-* 



I 



81 

May He, who ** weighs the Empires in a balance,''' 
inspire the President with prudence — our Councils 
with wisdom — the People with vigilance — and grant 
stability and perpetuity to our free institutions ; and 
may our watch-word be " God, our Country, and our 
Constitution." 

Gentlemen, I reiterate my congratulations, and 
thank you for your attention. 1 am not ignorant of the 
cause of it. I am sensible it has proceeded rather 
from your accustomed politeness, than from any merit 
in my very poor remarks. 



LE N 10 ■ 



